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Tākestāni
Glottocode: take1255
Genalogical classification: Indo-European
Original alignment pattern: TAM-based split ergativity
Source construction: Past tense transitive constructions showing ergative alignment marked via (i) ergative case marking on A, (ii) verb agreement with S/P, (iii) clitic A markers. The construction is attested in a number of Tāti dialects, as in (1) and (2). Clitic markers are optional with overt A but obligatory when overt A is lacking, see (3). A-clitics are mobile and may select different hosts.
Developmental mechanism: In Takestāni, past transitive constructions undergo several changes: (i) ergative case marking of A is lost, (ii) verbal agreement with P is lost, (iii) A clitics become obligatory irrespective of the occurrence of overt A, but they become virtually exclusively cliticized to P, thus singling out P as locus of enclisis vs. A/S. Moreover, P may also show differential object marking, as opposed to S, as in (4) - (5), where definite P takes a distinct form of the demonstrative.
Resulting construction: Past tense transitive constructions show a tripartite alignment: S is the only argument that triggers agreement with the verb, P is the only argument that allows DOM and is the only possible host of A-clitics, A triggers the use of A-clitics. The pattern is shown in (4) - (5).
Type of change: Loss
Alignment in the resulting construction: Tripartite
Global alignment pattern following the change: Nominative-Accusative
Constraints on the distribution of the resulting alignment: The tripartite alignment is restricted to the past tense.
Grammatical domains: Verbal indexation, Case marking
Symmetry: Asymmetric
Type of data: Internal reconstruction
References: Rasekh-Mahand & Izadifar 2016
Comments:
Rasekhahand & Izdifar (2016) describe the alignment of past tense sentences in Tākestāni as nominative-accusative. While we do acknowledge the fact that S and P are now marked in different ways, it is clear that S does not yet fully behave as A, hence showing tripartite alignment. We agree with Rasekhahand & Izdifar (2016) that this may be an intermediate stage in a general drift from ergative to nominative alignment in past tenses.
Examples
(1) Eshtehārdi (Tāti dialect) (Indo-European; Rasekh-Mahand & Izadifar 2016:141)
maryam-ā | hasan | beza(d) |
M(F)-erg | H(M) | hit.PST.3SG.M |
'Maryam hit Hasan.'
(2) Eshtehārdi (Tāti dialect) (Indo-European; Yarshater 1969:230)
bābā-š | bemárda |
father(M)-3SG.POSS.M | die.PST.3SG.M |
'His father has died.'
(3) Deravi (Tāti dialect) (Indo-European; Rasekh-Mahand & Izadifar 2016:143)
man | ali(=m) | bind |
1SG.ERG | A(=1SG.ERG) | see.PST |
'I saw Ali.'
(4) Tākestāni (Indo-European; Rasekh-Mahand & Izadifar 2016:148)
ā | ketāb | xeyli | sext | ve |
that.M | book(M) | very | hard | be.PST.3SG.M |
'That book was very hard.'
(5) Tākestāni (Indo-European; Rasekh-Mahand & Izadifar 2016:148)
a | jā | ketāb=em | bo |
1SG | that.OBL | book=1SG | bring.PST |
'I brought that book.'